As Israel’s cabinet passed the 2026 budget last week, it became increasingly clear that this government may well survive its entire four-year term, leading the country to elections in October 2026. What once looked impossible now seems entirely plausible.
While support for Netanyahu’s Likud Party has undeniably fallen over the past two years, and while fractures among anti-Netanyahu constituencies have only become more pronounced, Likud still usually tops polls measuring voting intentions. Even with all the turmoil, Netanyahu could realistically piece together another coalition in 2026.
This is far from the first moment when Netanyahu has been counted out. Many analysts have confidently predicted the end of his political era, only to watch him re-emerge just as strong, if not stronger. There is little reason to assume this moment will be different, unless something shifts dramatically in the political landscape.
One clear path exists for the opposition, or the broader anti-Netanyahu bloc—to build not only a governing coalition but a durable and powerful one: by finally, seriously, including Arab parties.
The anti-Netanyahu bloc itself is hardly unified. It contains HaDemokratim, the most left-leaning Jewish Zionist party; an emerging yet-to-be-named Naftali Bennett party, Bennett being the former head of the Yesha Council (settler movement); and Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu, which recently supported a bill proposing the death penalty for Palestinian terrorists. These parties are not simply ideologically distant; they often view one another with suspicion or outright hostility.
And yet, in meetings of the current opposition, Arab parties remain excluded.
For Palestinian citizens of Israel/Israeli Arabs, political participation has historically been fraught. For years, many boycotted elections altogether, seeing participation as a form of normalization with a system they believed neither represented them nor was designed for them. Arab voter turnout today remains significantly lower than turnout in Jewish communities.
But low turnout does not always reflect ideological resistance or apathy. More often, it reflects a deep sense of political marginalization, the belief that no party capable of winning power will advocate for you, and therefore no vote will translate into real influence. Under those conditions, voting can easily feel like an act without purpose.
Despite racist rhetoric from some Israeli politicians warning of a surge in Arab voting, anyone genuinely committed to replacing Netanyahu should recognize that increased Arab turnout is not just helpful, it is essential.
If Arab voter turnout were to rise meaningfully, it would signal two profound shifts.
The first shift concerns the very concept of “normalization.” For years, commentators have criticized Palestinians for resisting normalization. Yet in this moment, it is Israeli politicians who are refusing to engage and choosing instead to boycott Arab parties, even as Arab citizens push to take part in the democratic process. In such a scenario, a coordinated and intentional effort by Arab communities to vote in large numbers would be one of the most radical and transformative acts possible. Given that Arab citizens constitute roughly 20% of Israel’s population, their collective political engagement could permanently alter the country’s political map.
Such a shift would also force Jewish political leaders to speak directly to Arab citizens, to attempt to earn their support, and to demonstrate, through policies and commitments, that Arab interests matter. That is the essence of political power: the ability to demand representation rather than passively wait for it.
The second transformation upends the narrative that Israel is destined to move further to the right because of demographic trends, such as growth within the Orthodox community. There is another political direction available, one rooted in normalizing Arab participation in governing coalitions and accepting Arab parties as legitimate partners in shaping national policy. This would not only alter the makeup of the next government; it would fundamentally shift expectations of what Israeli democracy looks like.
A coalition that includes Arab parties would better represent the interests of Arab citizens and more faithfully embody the democratic ideals Israel claims to uphold—equality, civic participation, and shared responsibility for the country’s future. It would also model a society in which the full spectrum of its citizens sees their voices reflected in government.
Furthermore, by consolidating real political power, the Arab community would no longer be represented solely through individual leaders or NGOs, important but limited vehicles for influence. Instead, Arab citizens could speak through a unified political force and constituency that is capable not only of asking for change, but of shaping it directly.
This is precisely why Netanyahu and those aligned with him fear increased Arab political participation. Their concern is not limited to the coalition math that automatically shifts with higher Arab turnout. The threat is far deeper: Arab political power directly challenges the worldview Netanyahu has crafted, entrenched, and disseminated through Israeli society, one that elevates division, prioritizes Jewish supremacy, and relies on perpetual social fragmentation. A strong Arab political presence destabilizes that worldview at its roots.
A governing coalition with meaningful Arab representation would not simply mark Netanyahu’s exit from political life. It would signify a dismantling of the political culture he built.
It is true that an “anti-Netanyahu” banner alone is insufficient to win an election. But a compelling alternative vision, one intentionally opposed to Netanyahu’s foundational principles, has real power. And Netanyahu’s principles have been clear: division over unity, exclusion over inclusion, racism over equality, and a society pushed to the brink of internal conflict.
These views are not just harmful to Palestinian citizens of Israel or damaging to the fabric of Israeli society. They reverberate outward, harming the global Jewish diaspora and weakening democratic norms worldwide.
Palestinian citizens of Israel, alongside the Israeli opposition, now stand at a rare and consequential moment, an opportunity to reshape Israel’s political identity and social character in a profound and positive way.
Perhaps ironically, the Israel many Jews aspire to see, one marked by justice, equality, and democratic integrity, may only emerge through the full and assertive political engagement of its Arab citizens.
The last two and a half years have underscored how deeply intertwined the futures of Israeli Jews and Palestinians truly are. Strong Arab political leadership would transform that connection into a source of shared political strength, not merely shared fate.