What is Our Day-After Plan?

Yesterday, the Knesset passed a law increasing political influence over judicial appointments. The Attorney General authorized an investigation into extremist MKs Amichai Eliyahu and Tzvi Sukkot for their illegal incursion into the Sde Teiman military base—an investigation both MKs have openly stated they will refuse to comply with. Meanwhile, Defence Minister Israel Katz has barred former Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon from entering IDF bases after Yaalon accused the Israeli government of engaging in ethnic cleansing in Gaza. These are just a few examples of the alarming trajectory of this government.

Netanyahu, for his part, has grown increasingly unhinged and conspiratorial, insisting that democracy is not at risk—but rather that a leftist "deep state" is the true threat, and only he can save Israel from it.

It is hardly surprising that Netanyahu is relying on conspiracy theories to consolidate his power, especially given the recent antisemitism conference held in Jerusalem, which featured mainly extreme right-wing heads of state and politicians. Many diaspora Jewish organizations withdrew their support and attendance upon learning who was invited.

Of course, these same far-right politicians and parties—from whom Netanyahu draws inspiration, have long used deep state conspiracies and shadow government narratives to bolster their own power. That these same conspiracy theories have historically targeted Jews is a fact Netanyahu conveniently ignores.

But even if we were to entertain his absurd claims for a moment, the logical flaw is glaring: Netanyahu has been Prime Minister for nearly two decades. If a deep-state shadow government has been running amok, and he has been powerless to stop it, what does that say about his ability to govern? Was this so-called "deep state" also being funded with suitcases of Qatari cash?

For over two years, we have watched this dangerous government coalition make increasingly anti-democratic and authoritarian moves. With each step, we have believed—or at least hoped—that it could not possibly get worse. And yet, time and again, it has.

It feels redundant to keep saying that the situation is more dangerous than ever when we have said it continuously for two years. But it remains true.

So the question becomes: how many more warnings, signals, and red flags must this government wave before we acknowledge that we are in a completely new paradigm? That traditional means of resistance—mass protests, statements of condemnation—have little to no effect on this government and will not stop them?

Much of the critique, including our own, has centred on Netanyahu’s government's failure—or outright refusal—to develop a cohesive war strategy or a plan for the day after.

But we must also look inward. Those of us who oppose this government, who oppose what we see happening not just to Israel’s democracy but also in the occupied West Bank—where Israel exercises military rule—must ask: what is our strategy? What is our plan for the day after?

How many more outraged op-eds can we write in Jewish media about the silence of our legacy institutions before we recognize that they don’t care, aren’t listening, and have no intention of withdrawing their implicit and explicit support for Netanyahu and his government?

How much longer can we wring our hands over the IDF’s conduct in Gaza before we demand that our governments apply real pressure—beyond mere statements—on Israel to end its indiscriminate bombardment?

How much longer can we engage in dialogue before insisting that dialogue lead to political action and real power-sharing?

The reason Netanyahu refuses to plan for the day after is fear—fear of losing his base, losing the next election, facing a state inquiry into October 7, or finally standing trial for corruption.

Are we also avoiding a day-after plan out of fear? Fear of being branded "traitors" or "enemies of Israel" for speaking out? Fear of acknowledging that, while we oppose Netanyahu’s actions, we feel uneasy about the Canadian government intervening in Israeli affairs? Or perhaps even fear of confronting what our relationship with Israel would become if it ceases to be a democratic beacon of hope and instead embraces isolationism and autocracy?

It is easy to criticize, and there is no shortage of criticism for Netanyahu and those who enable him. But we must also look inward and ask: What is our plan? How far are we willing to go to implement it?

For over two years, we have feared the worst—only to see even worse unfold. For over two years, the extremists have told us exactly what they plan to do, and they have succeeded in doing it. Now, as they openly discuss ethnic cleansing and rebuilding settlements in Gaza while enacting similar plans in the occupied West Bank under the cover of war, we must recognize that they are telling us their intentions—and they will stop at nothing to achieve them.

We must be just as determined to stop them.