While our attention remains fixed on the ongoing war and devastation in Gaza, this week Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich announced a plan to develop 3,000 housing units in the unlawful E1 settlement in the occupied West Bank.

You can read our full statement on this announcement here.

All settlement activity in the occupied West Bank is not only deeply concerning and controversial, but also illegal under international law. But E1 is especially alarming given its strategic importance. As Smotrich himself openly admitted, this development will “bury the idea of a Palestinian state.”

Why? Because continued development in E1 would slice the occupied West Bank in two, severing territorial contiguity and preventing development between Ramallah, East Jerusalem, and Bethlehem. This would make the creation of a viable Palestinian state virtually impossible.

Some claim that extremist ministers like Smotrich or Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s Minister of National Security, who advocate for such projects, are “fringe” figures who do not represent the views of most Israelis.

While it is technically true that the messianic visions of these ministers and their followers lack broad public support in Israel and in diaspora Jewish communities, the reality is more sobering: they have managed to wield disproportionate political power to advance their agenda, regardless of how unpopular it is inside or outside of Israel.

In that sense, it does not matter that the majority of Israelis detest these men, or that the Jewish diaspora finds them an embarrassment to the State of Israel and to the Jewish people. What matters is that they have the power to advance their goals, and they are doing so.

So how is it possible that parties led by these ministers poll below the electoral threshold, are despised even among many centre-right Israelis and pro-Israel diaspora organizations, and yet can still drive policy?

The answer is straightforward. There is no meaningful pushback, not here in Canada and not in Israel. And it’s not just a lack of public condemnation or political action from those who oppose their worldview. Too often, many inadvertently reinforce that worldview, perhaps without even realizing it. To borrow a phrase, they have become the “useful idiots” for Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir.

Our Executive Director, Maytal Kowalski, recently wrote in Haaretz about Canadian Jewish organizations that oppose Canada’s recognition of Palestinian statehood, dismissing it as “performative.”

One argument made against recognition was that Palestinians simply “aren’t ready” for statehood or that recognition is “premature” or pointless because there is “no partner” on the Palestinian side.

But how can Palestinians prepare for statehood, build strong governance, offer meaningful partnership, and achieve political cohesion as part of a functioning democracy if their land is carved up into disconnected enclaves, effectively bantustans, surrounded and fragmented by not just walls and checkpoints, but expanding Jewish settlements?

Those who oppose recognition on these grounds are effectively saying that Palestinians must meet an impossibly high bar for statehood, while refusing to oppose, and sometimes even enabling, Israeli government actions that ensure Palestinians can never reach that bar.

In this way, they become the useful idiots for the messianic, theocratic, and Greater Israel visions of the far-right.

We cannot continue down the path we have been on for far too long, opposing extremist rhetoric in whispers behind closed doors while resisting any action that could actually halt their dangerous agenda. This is especially true when these extremists hold real power, and when our silence helps them turn dangerous words into irreversible facts on the ground.

The good news is that there is still time to act. Once this development is approved (and we should assume it will be) next week, the Israeli government will still need to secure developers, issue permits, and begin construction. Even at full speed, housing construction would likely not start for at least a year.

That means there is still a window to voice strong objections. There is time to demand that the Canadian government match its recognition of Palestinian statehood with concrete action, not only opposing the E1 plan but using every diplomatic and political tool available to stop it.

There is also time for those who call recognition “performative” or “premature” to make clear what real action they believe would protect the two-state solution they claim to support, and to fight for that action forcefully, unapologetically, and from a place of strong Jewish and Zionist values.

It is not enough to merely differentiate ourselves from the messianism and extremism of Israel’s far right; we must build equal or greater political momentum from the left. This requires more than condemning the most extreme, it requires presenting a bold, principled alternative vision and rallying broad public support around it.

This is the responsibility of Israel’s opposition as much as it is of Jewish leaders in Canada. It is no longer enough to pay lip service to a two-state solution while allowing those opposed to it to rack up victories. It is no longer enough to criticise Netanyahu as an individual while supporting the decisions that enable his government’s most dangerous policies.

And it is certainly no longer enough to assume Israel will remain Jewish, democratic, and secure when those in power openly declare their goal to ensure the opposite.

If we are to continue educating about and fostering deep connections to the State of Israel among Canadian Jews, we must ensure it is a State of Israel we can truly be proud of.