We've spent much of the past few weeks writing about the war in Gaza, the ceasefire and hostage release deal, and the ongoing developments surrounding them—and for good reason.
From Trump's threats of ethnic cleansing and Netanyahu's apparent eagerness at being given this green light, to Hamas' macabre hostage return spectacles, and, of course, the incalculable grief and pain felt in Israel and across the Jewish world as hostage bodies are returned and funerals take place, there has been no shortage of critical news to address.
As a result—and likely by design—what has been unfolding in the occupied West Bank during this same period, and which has escalated since October 7, has gone largely under the radar.
This past summer, we released a policy brief outlining the creeping annexation of the occupied West Bank by Israel under the shadow of the Gaza war and urged the Canadian government to monitor developments there as well.
Since then, the situation has only worsened. In the most intensive IDF operation in the occupied West Bank in decades, tens of thousands of Palestinians have been displaced. Israel's Defense Minister, Israel Katz, has stated they will not be allowed to return. For the first time in 20 years, Israeli forces have deployed tanks into the city of Jenin and established a military post in Tulkarm.
While Israel claims this campaign is a response to the rising threat of militancy from the occupied West Bank, Palestinian officials warn that this dangerous escalation risks the mass displacement of yet another generation of Palestinians and will inevitably lead to further violence and unrest.
It would be naive to deny the threat of terror emanating from the occupied West Bank or to suggest that the weakened Palestinian Authority (PA) could successfully combat it alone—though its efforts should not go unnoticed.
What is more dangerous, however, is that, just as in Gaza, the absence of a coherent long-term strategy to curb terrorism and reduce security threats all but ensures the continuation of these ever-escalating military operations. This makes life increasingly unbearable for innocent civilians caught in the middle.
What makes this even more perilous in the West Bank compared to Gaza is that Israel's continued dismissal of the PA as a viable alternative to Hamas rule all but guarantees the systematic weakening of the PA. This sends a clear signal to the Palestinian public that Hamas—not the PA—is capable of delivering results.
For all the post-October 7 rhetoric about a two-state solution being a "gift to Hamas," the reality is that it is the actual actions rather than the theoretical ones of the Israeli government that are the true gift to Hamas.
Not only did Israel authorize Qatari cash transfers to Hamas for years, allowing it to evolve from a terrorist organization into a small army but now, as the fragile ceasefire has held for the past six weeks, Hamas can claim credit for securing the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and has used its weekly hostage release "ceremonies" to reinforce this narrative.
Meanwhile, the PA has issued a decree ending its so-called prisoner and martyr payments system, often referred to as the "pay to slay" program. This move was at best ignored and at worst dismissed as "too little, too late" or met with outright skepticism.
Since Trump's inauguration, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has signalled his willingness to work towards peace based on a two-state solution—not only through words but through actions, including confronting militant elements in Jenin and demonstrating an effort to counter extremism within the West Bank.
The PA is undeniably weak, and allegations of corruption, coupled with the absence of elections, do not position it as a model of democracy. But dismissing its efforts outright fails to recognize what fundamentally sets it apart from Hamas. By ignoring the steps the PA has taken, Israel and the international community inadvertently send a message to Palestinians that diplomacy, peace overtures, and cooperation with Israel lead only to more raids, displacement, and insecurity—as is evident in the northern West Bank today.
If we are truly committed to not "giving a gift to Hamas" (as we all should be), then we must stop fixating on the supposed "gift" of a two-state solution and instead acknowledge the real gifts being handed to Hamas—namely, the continued weakening and outright dismissal of any viable alternative.
A Hamas that brings only destruction and bloodshed, even if accompanied by prisoner releases and increased humanitarian aid, is not one that most Palestinians wish to support. Recent polls indicate that support for Hamas among Gazans is at an all-time low, with only 6% favouring continued Hamas rule post-war, and just 5.3% stating they would vote for them.
Conversely, a Palestinian Authority whose diplomatic overtures and commitment to a two-state solution are taken seriously by Israel and the international community presents a credible alternative. This alternative would eliminate the perceived need for violent resistance and terrorism by demonstrating that peace and stability can be achieved through political means.
If we are serious about dismantling Hamas and combating radicalization, we must move beyond empty slogans and social media outrage over Hamas' latest provocations. Instead, we must focus on what will truly lead to Hamas' demise: offering a vision for a future that provides more hope and opportunity than what Hamas can currently deliver.
The idea that peace and diplomacy can only be pursued once Palestinian society is "deradicalized" gets things exactly backwards. It is peace and diplomacy that will drive the process of deradicalization, by proving that extremist tactics are neither necessary nor effective in achieving Palestinian aspirations.
We need not delude ourselves into believing that Abbas (or Netanyahu, for that matter) is the ideal leader for this moment. But nor should we ignore every effort towards an alternative to terrorism simply because it is imperfect or fails to meet our increasingly rigid litmus tests.
By conveniently disregarding the very gestures we have demanded of the PA, we are doing precisely what we claim to oppose—rewarding Hamas for October 7. And to paraphrase yet another well-worn phrase, if we continue down this path, we will be the ones who never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.